The European Union (EU) plays a facilitating role in the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. The EU has applied a proactive approach to normalization through several agreements, initially of a technical and later of a political nature. This gradual approach has produced a relative success in the easing of relations between the parties and in creating the conditions for a final agreement, which, however, still remains far from being reached. The main argument of this article is that both sides hold diametrically opposed positions and the EU still remains a powerless actor in pushing the parties to find a long-term solution to the conflict between them.
Acknowledging the saliency ‘ethnonationality’ has acquired in the post-Yugoslav scenario, this article analyses the ‘evolution’ of the meanings and functions of the term ethnonational belonging in the context of Macedonia, and it does so from both macro-structural and micro-individual perspectives. Alongside providing an overview of how ethnonationality has evolved from a political-institutional perspective, empirical material collected in Skopje with members of a Yugoslav and a post-Yugoslav generation explores possible changes also from an individual and generational perspective. The article seeks to understand the micro-generational impact of macro-structural changes and the generational responses to the same, shedding light on the intertwine of individual and collective experiences, reasons, and interests sustaining and legitimising the current ethnic politics and divisions.
This article explores the networked politics of feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia, focusing on the organizational (“actional”) and the thematic (content-related) credo of the movements during the “All-Slovenian Uprisings” of 2012–2013. Analysing the movements’ “repertoires of contention”, the authors argue that the movements are driven by cross-movement and cross-issue (i.e. connective) alliances. They identify the presence and/or absence of those interconnections, and explore the content on which the movements focus and around which they generate various forms of activity. The empirical part of the article analyzes ten relevant feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia and their online activities using the methods of network analysis. The results confirm the “prefigurative” character of movements, showing how they formulate their agenda in line with their own inner causes, so as to confirm their strategic orientation. The analysis also points to the development of the trans-thematic consciousness that emerges beyond the thematization of gender and sexual inequality, opening up larger anti-austerity issues.
The research problem scrutinized in this article is the identification of the factors that led to the formation within the Soviet bloc of a particular relationship between the hegemonic state – the ussr – and the smallest one – Albania. This study, based primarily on documents from Soviet archives, examines the causes for the emergence and growth of differences between the ussr and Albania, spanning the period from the death of Stalin to the open showdown at the meetings of the Communist Parties in Bucharest in 1960. Tirana embarked on the path of distancing itself from the Soviet Union, gradually drifting towards China, and began laying the foundation for its own special model of socialism. As a result, by the beginning of the 1960s, differences reached such a level that Soviet-Albanian conflict became inevitable.