Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of Hungary spent much time journeying abroad. His “itinerant” court visited diverse places from Istria to Wallachia. The members of his entourage, mainly a new generation of homo novus lords, escorted him from the Aachen (1414) to the Rome (1433) coronations and were active in foreign service. This article reconstructs the itinerant entourage mostly during the Council of Constance (1414–18). It also aims to explore which “core” members of the retinue accompanied the king most of the time and show that there emerged an inner circle commissioned with special tasks. As an evidentiary control sample, the article uses Sigismund’s second period of journeys (1430–1434). There will be two further pieces of corresponding evidence examined, a list enumerated by Eberhard Windecke (1422) and a 1430 Nuremberg register. In order to give a descriptive list, the range of the available sources undergo a methodological analysis (direct and indirect evidence: royal letters and commissions; safe conducts; charters issued in personis and in praesentibus; armales and ius gladii donations; prorogatio and papal supplicatio documents; chancery writs signing someone’s relatio; narrative and iconographic sources).
A possible reconstruction of Sigismund’s retinue is given in an appendix, on the grounds of which one may conclude that the king had a special company by his side. The presence of “a Constance group” was constant in the 1420s–30s. There are some “permanently” serving families. A nucleus was being formulated, remaining together from Aachen to Rome.
A dozen limestone reliefs with the coats of arms of a bishop and a bishopric have survived from the churches and castles of late medieval Livonia (a historical region roughly corresponding to present-day Estonia and Latvia). This article discusses a selection of those reliefs in western Estonia, in the two centers—Haapsalu and Kuressaare—of the former Saare-Lääne Bishopric. In earlier scholarship, these reliefs have been studied from the perspective of architectural history and connected with the construction or reconstruction of the buildings. The article will offer a different perspective and investigate the role of the reliefs in the context of symbolic communication, rituals of power, and visual commemoration. In the chapel of the Kuressaare castle, there is also a relief with the coat of arms of Pope Leo x, which raises the questions of who commissioned it, when, and why.
It is a basic feature of human existence that we engage in acts of mobility and hospitality and thereby seek to infuse liminal moments marked by ambiguity or disorientation with symbolic meaning. Considerable instances from pre-modern history can be found in the communal acts of the Teutonic Order. The current article seeks to show how the dual social identity of the Teutonic Knights, that is, their belonging to the estate of the praying as well as that of the fighting or ruling, was incorporated and embodied in their rituals of mobility and hospitality. By adopting and adapting practices from the world of monasticism while also taking on practices reflective of courtly-noble culture, the Teutonic Knights sought to justify and lay claim to their dual status and function in medieval society. The study investigates the Order’s rituals under the rubric of mobility and hospitality, as they are counted among the most perceptible and striking means of symbolic embodiment known to date. Such rituals galvanised and instilled a shared identity and functioned as collective means of communication.
The political history of the small territory of Dobrzyń Land became much more complex at the beginning of Władysław Jagiełło’s rule (1386–1434). Władysław of Opole pledged part of Dobrzyń Land (the castle of Złotoria, 1391) to the Teutonic Knights. Then in 1392, after a short war against the king of Poland, Władysław of Opole pawned the entirety of Dobrzyń Land to the Teutonic knights. Neither King Władysław Jagiełło nor the Polish political elite recognized the legality of the pledge. However, the rule of the Teutonic Knights in Dobrzyń Land led to the polarization of political attitudes among the local noblemen. A faction of local noble elites, the so-called Teutonic party, accepted the rule of the Order and collaborated eagerly with the temporary rulers of the land. Another faction, the so-called the royal party, did not agree to the rule of the Order and chose to emigrate to territories ruled directly by Władysław Jagiełło. Their domains in Dobrzyń Land were confiscated by the Order. The Polish king in response gave them temporary possessions within the territory of the kingdom. The situation reversed in 1405 when Dobrzyń Land was redeemed by Władysław Jagiełło. As a consequence, the refugees returned and redeemed land confiscated by the Order. Repression in turn by the Polish ruler induced some of the Teutonic party to seek the protection of the Order in Prussia. A few years later, as a result of the Polish-Lithuanian–Teutonic war (1409–1411), Dobrzyń Land was again occupied by the Teutonic Knights. Once more, some of the nobles fled from their homeland to territories unoccupied by the Teutonic Knights, while some of the Teutonic party returned to Dobrzyń Land. In the end, as a result of the Teutonic Knights’s defeat at the Battle of Grunwald (1410) and decisions of the First Peace of Toruń (1411), Dobrzyń Land came again under the long-term rule of Polish kings. That meant the return of refugees from the royal party and again forced the Teutonic Knights’ supporters to go into exile. In the end, some of the latter reconciled with the Polish king and came back to their homeland. Some, however, remained in the Teutonic State, where they were given domains.
Im März 1819 ermordete der Theologiestudent Carl Ludwig Sand den Schriftsteller August von Kotzebue. Dieser Terrorakt sollte eine allgemeine Volksrache auslösen, wodurch alle Deutschen vom Joch der Feudalherrschaft befreit würden. Zweihundert Jahre nach der Hinrichtung Sands im Mai 1820 legt Harro Zimmermann ein Buch vor, das auf der Erschließung von bislang unbeachteten Quellen beruht, und den so bewunderten wie verteufelten Attentäter in ein überraschendes Licht rückt. Im Hinblick auf die heutigen Mordanschläge von NeoNazis und selbsternannten Gotteskriegern erweist sich das Buch als ein luzider Beitrag zur Kulturarchäologie des Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland.
Kaum jemand kennt die Vorgänger der sowjetischen Industriefotografie. Dieses Buch nimmt erstmals diese Aufnahmen in den Fokus und zeichnet nach, welche Rolle der Industrie und den Fabriken in den Bildwelten des Zarenreichs zugedacht war.
Industriefotografien eröffneten Außenstehenden einen Blick hinter russische Fabriktore. Damit prägten sie in Alben, Fest und Zeitschriften sowie auf Postkarten das Bild von Fabriken in der russischen Gesellschaft. An den Schnittstellen von Fotografie, Industrie, Technik und visueller Geschichte analysiert die Autorin erstmals, wie sich die Industriefotografie im Zarenreich entwickelte und welche Botschaften über Industrialisierung und Fabriken die an der Herstellung und Verbreitung der neuen Bilder beteiligten Akteure mit den Aufnahmen vermittelten. Vergleiche mit Studien aus Frankreich, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den USA stellen die russische Fabrikfotografie in einen größeren Kontext und verdeutlichen, dass weniger von einer nationalen als von einer europäisch/nordamerikanischen Bildsprache gesprochen werden muss.
This article offers a broad analysis of the “name issue,” its origins, background and the challenges ahead in light of the Prespa agreement. It posits the historical perspective of both identities, assesses the positions maintained by the parties during the political and diplomatic dispute settlement process and presents the concerns of both parties regarding the agreement. Given the content of the Prespa agreement, the article aims at mapping its essential theoretical frame, explaining the key arrangements in the Prespa agreement and identifying the challenges associated with its implementation that might stand in the way of the accomplishment of its purported “historic” mission of settling the long-lasting disagreements between the two parties, offering some recommendations in that respect.
This article focuses on the relation between EU leverage and domestic elites related to the differential impact of conditionality in the case of the Republic of North Macedonia. The main focus is on the influence of the low credibility of the membership perspective on the effectiveness of EU political conditionality in North Macedonia. Additionally, it examines to what extent the legitimacy of the process is determined by domestic factors. The domestic political elites strategically raise the domestic costs to the level where Europeanization becomes a highly costly process and external influences such as political isolation or rewards given in the process seem to have very weak results. The article introduces the concept of the “leverage trap” – a political discourse devised by domestic political elites apropos the EU, in turn used to increase the leverage of political elites domestically and to present the EU as an impotent actor.