Acknowledging the saliency ‘ethnonationality’ has acquired in the post-Yugoslav scenario, this article analyses the ‘evolution’ of the meanings and functions of the term ethnonational belonging in the context of Macedonia, and it does so from both macro-structural and micro-individual perspectives. Alongside providing an overview of how ethnonationality has evolved from a political-institutional perspective, empirical material collected in Skopje with members of a Yugoslav and a post-Yugoslav generation explores possible changes also from an individual and generational perspective. The article seeks to understand the micro-generational impact of macro-structural changes and the generational responses to the same, shedding light on the intertwine of individual and collective experiences, reasons, and interests sustaining and legitimising the current ethnic politics and divisions.
This article explores the networked politics of feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia, focusing on the organizational (“actional”) and the thematic (content-related) credo of the movements during the “All-Slovenian Uprisings” of 2012–2013. Analysing the movements’ “repertoires of contention”, the authors argue that the movements are driven by cross-movement and cross-issue (i.e. connective) alliances. They identify the presence and/or absence of those interconnections, and explore the content on which the movements focus and around which they generate various forms of activity. The empirical part of the article analyzes ten relevant feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia and their online activities using the methods of network analysis. The results confirm the “prefigurative” character of movements, showing how they formulate their agenda in line with their own inner causes, so as to confirm their strategic orientation. The analysis also points to the development of the trans-thematic consciousness that emerges beyond the thematization of gender and sexual inequality, opening up larger anti-austerity issues.
The research problem scrutinized in this article is the identification of the factors that led to the formation within the Soviet bloc of a particular relationship between the hegemonic state – the ussr – and the smallest one – Albania. This study, based primarily on documents from Soviet archives, examines the causes for the emergence and growth of differences between the ussr and Albania, spanning the period from the death of Stalin to the open showdown at the meetings of the Communist Parties in Bucharest in 1960. Tirana embarked on the path of distancing itself from the Soviet Union, gradually drifting towards China, and began laying the foundation for its own special model of socialism. As a result, by the beginning of the 1960s, differences reached such a level that Soviet-Albanian conflict became inevitable.
This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.
The article examines the population exchange between Poland and the Soviet Union in 1944–1947, its role in the shaping of modern Ukraine, and its place in the evolution of the Soviet nationality policy. It investigates the factors involved in the decision-making of individuals and state officials and then assesses how people on the ground made sense of the Soviet population politics. While the earlier scholarship saw the transfer as punitive national deportation, the article argues that it was neither punitive nor purely national nor was it a deportation. The article shows that the party-state was ambivalent about the Polish minority and was not committed to total national homogenization of Western Ukraine. Instead, the people themselves were often eager to leave the USSR because of the poor living conditions, fear of Sovietization, and ethnic conflict. Paradoxically, one of the largest Soviet nation-building projects was not the product of coherent nationality policy.