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Author: Sanghwan Lee

Abstract

The Book of the Watchers (i.e., 1 Enoch 1–36) contains several punishments for the fallen Watchers’ crimes. Interestingly, one of the penalties is optical in nature – God forces the Watchers to observe the eradication of their beloved offspring (10:12; 12:6; 14:6). However, the text itself does not explain why God chose to inflict this form of penalty. The present article seeks to provide a satisfactory explanation in light of the ocular theories contemporaneous with the mentioned literature. This undertaking reveals that the Watchers’ particular offense – voyeurism (6:2) – is critical to understanding their optical sentence because the deities often employed visual penalties to punish improper amorous gazing. In this regard, the Book of the Watchers demonstrates a talionic correspondence between the Watchers’ voyeurism and God’s response to it. Ultimately, the ocular penalty depicts God as the righteous judge who renders fitting retributions to the criminal.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism
Author: Susan Marks

Abstract

The house of study of Amoraic Palestine has resisted study because of its informality. By situating it alongside Hellenistic, Roman and Christian education, this article argues that examining their funding provides a means of understanding the structural tendencies of these study circles. Communal support appears mostly aspirational, providing clues as to intention and conflicts regarding inclusion. Similarly, narratives concerning individual gifts urge their moral good rather than their reliability, thus pointing inevitably to fees as the underlying means of support for the beit midrash. The necessity of fees in turn demands consideration of how those of more marginal means, including scribes, could afford this tuition. Finally, that teaching younger children provided one avenue of such support reveals a complex interdependency of those who had easier access to this education and those who had less access, as well as the barely glimpsed suggestion of other educational alternatives.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism
Neu übersetzt und mit Überlegungen zur Sprache des Neuen Testaments, zur Gattung der Evangelien und zur intertextuellen Schreibweise sowie mit einem Glossar
Die neuartige Übersetzung der Evangelien nach Markus und Matthäus von Stefan Alkier und Thomas Paulsen führt die Fachkompetenzen eines Theologen und eines Klassischen Philologen zusammen. Sie wird in einer Lese- und einer Studienfassung vorgelegt, welche die ästhetische und theologische Sprachkraft dieser beiden neutestamentlichen Bücher auf ungewohnte Weise lesbar macht.

„Den Satzbau im Griechischen nachahmend, übersetzt das Frankfurter Neue Testament jedes Wort im Evangelium nach Markus wortgenau. Diese Übersetzung erleichtert sowohl den Rückweg zum Urtext als auch eine Überprüfung der eigenen Interpretation. Eine höchst willkommene Hilfe für Anfänger und Fortgeschrittene!“ – Prof. Dr. Cilliers Breytenbach
„Die konsequente Orientierung an der Ursprungssprache und die Übersetzung verbum pro verbo, die philologisch äußerst genau die Besonderheiten der griechischen Sprache – ihren Partikelgebrauch, ihre charakteristischen Partizipialkonstruktionen, ihre Besonderheiten in der Wortstellung – im Deutschen ausstellt, bietet einen zuweilen befremdlich klingenden, jedoch umso eindrücklicher wirkenden Text der „Frohbotschaft“. In ihrer radikalen Wörtlichkeit ist die Übersetzung ein Glückfall: Sie lädt ein innezuhalten, um die Texte in ihrem neuen alten Gewand ohne Glättungen und künstlichen rhetorischen Schmuck wirken zu lassen.“ – Prof. Dr. Manuel Baumbach
Author: Atar Livneh

Abstract

Josephus’ rewriting of the account of Korah’s rebellion (Numbers 16) consists of a lengthy juridical prayer/speech not attested in the biblical source in which a list of historical episodes is embedded. Moses’ representation as standing in court before God and the people and defending his leadership by recalling past events appears to derive from 1 Samuel 12. At the same time, however, the catalogue of historical incidents in A.J. 4.43–45 elaborates the “works” in Num 16:28, demonstrating that everything happens according to God’s will – including the granting of the priesthood to Aaron. An analysis of A.J. 4.43–45 evinces that it combines conventions from both biblical historical summaries and Hellenistic catalogues, the individual episodes (e.g., the Exodus) constituting a sophisticated reworking of Pentateuchal narratives and passages from Deutero-Isaiah and the Psalms.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism

Abstract

This article makes the case that the citation of Manetho’s Aegyptiaca found within Josephus’ Contra Apionem 1.250 is the work of a later anti-Jewish interpolator. Within the passage is an unnoticed chiasm that artificially binds the description of Osarsiph/Moses there with the Osarsephos introduced earlier in C. Ap. 1.238–9. It further suggests that the reason a negative depiction of Moses is not more fully integrated into Manetho’s story is the result of the interpolator inferring Manetho’s negative evaluation of the Jews as a result of his negative evaluation of the Hyksos. Manetho is, in other words, not the father of Egyptian anti-Judaism, though an anonymous editor may well be.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism
Author: James Nati

Abstract

Most commentators have translated Jub. 2:22 as though God’s commandments rise as a fine fragrance. This note suggests that this idea is unparalleled in early Judaism, and it argues that the Ethiopic of this verse should be understood differently. The idea expressed in Jub. 2:22 is that “the doer of God’s will” is the one to ascend as a fine fragrance. Some implications of this suggestion are explored.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism

Abstract

This article examines the meaning and the development of the terms used to introduce baraitot transmitted by amoraim in the Bavli: “Tannei Rav X.” Why are these baraitot not introduced with the more usual terms used for citing a baraita, “tanya” and “tannu rabbanan?” I will argue that the term “tannei Rav X” was created in the generations that followed the named amora, as an alternative to the usual citation formula employed by the sage himself when he first quoted the baraita. A sage later to Rav X (or the “stam”) who wished to refer to a baraita quoted earlier by Rav X, used the term “tannei Rav X” to do so. These baraitot (around 80%) have parallels in tannaitic compositions or in the Yerushalmi. This finding bears additional weight on the question of the origins of the terminology used to quote baraitot in the Bavli.

In: Journal of Ancient Judaism
In: Die Evangelien nach Markus und Matthäus
In: Die Evangelien nach Markus und Matthäus
In: Die Evangelien nach Markus und Matthäus