Zwei führende polnische Zeithistoriker schildern die jüngste Geschichte ihres Landes vom deutschen Überfall 1939 bis zur Gegenwart.
Andrzej Friszke und Antoni Dudek sind nicht nur namhafte polnische Historiker, sondern auch Zeitzeugen und scharfe Beobachter der aktuellen politischen Entwicklung ihres Landes. Mit dem Schwerpunkt auf Politik- und Sozialgeschichte geben sie einen Überblick über die Geschicke des Landes in der Zeit der deutschen Besatzung Polens und die Etablierung des kommunistischen Systems. Die Rolle der Opposition und der katholischen Kirche in der Volksrepublik, die Entstehung der Gewerkschaft „Solidarność“ (an der Friszke aktiv beteiligt war) sowie die politische Transformation vor und nach 1989 werden breit behandelt. Besonderen Wert gewinnt das Buch durch die Berücksichtigung der zeithistorisch bislang kaum erfassten 2000er Jahre.
The book systematically explores the history of the Buddhist community in the Russian Empire. It offers an advanced overview of the relations that existed between the Buriat Buddhists and the Russian imperial authorities.
Various institutions and actors represented Russian power: foreign and interior ministries, the Irkutsk general-governorship, the Orthodox Christian mission of East Siberia, local journalists and academic scholars. The book is focussing especially on the evolution of imperial legislation and specific administrative mechanisms aiming at the regulation of Buddhist affairs. The author demonstrates how these actors responded to conflicting situations and collisions of interests. Thus the history of relations between Russia and her Buddhist subjects is shown as a complex process with participation of a number of actors with their own interests and motivations.
In den 1980er Jahren entwickelte sich in oppositionellen Kreisen Polens ein unabhängiger Publikationsumlauf, der sogenannte „Zweite Umlauf“ (
drugi obieg). Dieser etablierte sich außerhalb der staatlichen Zensur.
Zum „Zweiten Umlauf“ gehörten nicht nur Texte in illegal erscheinenden Büchern und Untergrundzeitschriften. Es wurden auch nachgeahmte Briefmarken und Poststempel veröffentlicht. Die nachgeahmten postalischen Medien hatten keine Frankierfunktion. Als Sammelobjekt dienten sie der Bestätigung einer Gemeinschaft von Gleichgesinnten. Der Erlös aus dem Verkauf der Untergrundbriefmarken floss weitestgehend in die Unterstützung oppositioneller Aktivitäten zurück; es bestand aber auch der Verdacht des finanziellen Missbrauchs durch Privatpersonen.
Historical, socio-cultural, and political studies stretching from Eastern Europe to East Asia with the emphasis on cross-cultural encounter, empires and colonialism, gender and nationalities issues, various forms of Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and other religions from the Middle Ages to the end of the Soviet Union.
Until Volume 14, the series was published by Brill,
The series published an average of one volume per year over the last 5 years.
Daily legal practice in local centers of Muscovite Rus’ before the publication of the Law Code of 1649 (Sobornoe Ulozhenie) has been poorly studied. This article uses comparative analysis to study two groups of sources about the legal process and law enforcement in Novgorod the Great in the late 16th–early 17th centuries. The analysis illuminates a complicated hierarchy of legal levels. At the same time, the competences of the courts at each level were not always clearly defined, which corresponds to the ideas formulated by N.S. Kollmann in her study on crime and punishment in Muscovy. In the late 16th–early 17th centuries, the Novgorod Court Chancellery was a middle level of the judicial system. The highest instance was the court in Moscow, which passed judgment on behalf of the tsar and was provided by central chancelleries in the Kremlin. During the Time of Troubles, the hierarchy became simpler: the communication with Moscow disappeared and only two levels prevailed in Novgorod. The city administrator’s court (voevoda) dealt with political crimes and landowners’ disputes, while the City Court and other lower level courts dealt with civil and petty criminal cases. The courts were ruled by both codes and customary law: the existing law codes (Sudebniki) did not cover all the diversity of legal cases.
Scholars of the reign of Ivan the Terrible have only a limited number of sources to understand Ivan’s purges during the Oprichnina. One of the most important and most commonly used testimonies for Ivan’s period of terror, the account of the Livonian captives Johann Taube and Elert Kruse, is for the first time made accessible for the English-speaking public in a critical edition that covers the major historiographical issues raised in the account and, when possible, explores the reasons behind the execution of specific individuals.
This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Kerenskii was the most important actor in assuring the success of the February Revolution. He organized underground organizations to push the workers’ strike movement that began on February 23 in Petrograd, and appealed to his Duma liberal colleagues to support the strike. When the soldiers revolted on February 27, he led the insurgents into the Tauride Palace, thus turning the Duma building into the epicenter of the revolution. He ordered the arrest of tsarist ministers, and created Kerenskii’s headquarters to take revolutionary actions before the Duma Committee decided to take power. He helped create the Petrograd Soviet, and, after election as its vice-chairman, he straddled the Soviet and Duma Committee. Having learned of Nicholas ii’s abdication in favor of Grand Duke Mikhail, he played a major role in persuading Mikhail to renounce the throne, thus, in ending the monarchical system. The February Revolution elevated him to the pinnacle of power as the undisputed leader of the revolution.