Christ Came Forth From India, Timothy Paul Grove offers a survey and contextualization of early modern Georgian writings on astrology, astronomy, and cosmology.
These texts include the widely distributed translations of the
Almanacco Perpetuo of Ottavio Beltrano (1653), a text brought to the Caucasus by Roman Catholic missionaries, several texts attributed to king Vakht’ang VI of Kartli (1675-1737), and two 19th century manuscripts which incorporate much older material. The numerous Georgian texts are described and examined in terms of their chronology and interrelated content, their literary relationship to texts from outside the Caucasus, and their context within the astrological literature of Europe, the Near East, and the Far East.
Inventing the Social in Romania, 1848–1914, Călin Cotoi brings to life several ‘obscure’ anarchists, physicians, public hygienists and reformers roaming the borderlands of Europe and Russia.
The book follows individuals, texts, projects, sometimes even bacteria, traveling, meeting, colliding, writing and talking to each other in surprising places, and on changing topics. All of them navigated the land, sometimes finding unexpected loopholes and shortcuts in it, and emerged in different and unexpected parts of the social, political or geographical space.
Using materials ranging from anarchists’ letters, to social-theoretical debates and medical treatises, Călin Cotoi points to the larger theoretical and historical issues involved in the local creation of the social, its historicity, and its representability.
The book explores the nexus of media and memory practices in the age of mediatised societies in Slovenia, part of former Yugoslavia. Steeped into recurrent interpretations of past realities, the post-socialist present is impregnated with historical revisionism and various nostalgic framings of the past and recast as an aberration of history and memory.
The authors, discussing examples from twentieth-century Slovenia, engage with dynamic uses of media today and aims at understanding media culture as an archive, re-interpreter of the past, and repository of memory.
In this volume, Luthar and Pušnik have collected a wide range of case studies analysing past events represented and reinterpreted in newspapers, theatre, music, museums, digital media, and documentaries. The collection thus presents insights into the intricacies of mediatisation of memory in contemporary Slovenian society.
Das Lexikon bietet 80 Biographien der bedeutendsten katholischen Bischöfe Polens im 16. Jahrhundert.
Berücksichtigt wurden folgende elf Diözesen: Gnesen, Lemberg, Krakau, Posen, Włocławek, Płock, Kulm, Ermland, Chełm, Przemyśl und Kamieniec. Jeder der Beiträge bietet dem Leser nicht nur biographische Daten, sondern auch eine Fülle von Fachinformationen bezüglich des „Goldenen Zeitalters“ in Polen, eine reichhaltige Statistik der Zeitperiode 1500-1600 in Form von übersichtlichen Tabellen, zwei Karten Polens bzw. der
Rzeczpospolita mit Aufteilung der Diözesen (um 1000 und 1569) sowie eine sehr detaillierte Literaturliste zu jedem Biogramm – insgesamt ein umfangreiches Nachschlagewerk zur Geschichte und Kultur Polens im 16. Jahrhundert und eine Pionierarbeit auf diesem Gebiet in deutscher Sprache.
The article discusses defects of Russian elections, with emphasis on the fact that the electoral systems being used favour the regime. The system used for registration of candidates and party lists allows the state to deny access to strong candidates whose election would inconvenience the state bureaucracy. Pro-government candidates are advantaged during election campaigns, as segments of the population that are dependent upon the state find themselves pressured to participate, sometimes including outright control of their vote. Furthermore, many regions experience large-scale electoral fraud. The article suggests means to overcome these defects, including a comprehensive revision of electoral legislation.
This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russia. It claims that in the electoral authoritarian regimes like Russia under Vladimir Putin, public protests remain a viable instrument for reaching out to the constituencies and eliciting concessions from the regime. In addition, collective actions signal commitment and strength and help to overcome the media blockade usually imposed by the state. However, in order to be a successful player in contentious politics, parties have to develop organizational capacity. Using the data on more than 7000 protest events that took place in Russia in 2012–2015, I show that the regional party branches with higher electoral returns in federal and regional elections organize more protest events controlling for other possible determinants of mobilization. The Communist Party remains the major mobilizing force covering a large array of issues and demands. However, the loyal opposition—LDPR and Just Russia—and the liberal parties like Yabloko and People’s Freedom Party also consistently stage the public protests with their electoral performance on the regional level being associated with the level of their protest activity. Overall, the study shows that the organizational capacity of the opposition is necessary though insufficient condition for the parties to engage with street politics.
The article analyzes the weak points of the Manifesto Project’s methodology, such as its emphasis on issue salience, instead of issue positions; bringing the content of manifestos under too broad categories formulated at the beginning of the project; not quite the appropriate technique of factor analysis etc. An alternative methodology is proposed that focuses on party positions on issues which generate the largest polarization in the political space. It also enriches the empirical base of the studies and adjusts the technique of factor analysis. In order to reveal political cleavages inside these dimensions, the so called electoral cleavages (factors of territorial differences in voting for various parties) are taken as a starting point: factor loadings of parties in the electoral and political spaces are compared through correlation and regression analyses. The proposed methodology is applied to an analysis of election results in Russia (2016) and Germany (2017).
In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.