policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where
it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘tradition-
al-liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.
KEYWORDS: gender equality, law, Soviet society, social history, Soviethistory.
Soviet propaganda constantly
Nicholas B. Breyfogle, ed., Eurasian Environments: Nature and Ecology in Imperial Russia and SovietHistory (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018), 424 pp., $34.95 (pb), 9780822965633.
In this dive into the environmental history of Russia and the Soviet Union, in case after case
The subject of this article is the collectivization of agriculture in Soviet Udmurtia at the turn of the 1930s. Situated in the Urals, Udmurtia was an autonomous region, largely agricultural, and with a developing industrial center, Izhevsk, as capital. The titular nationality of the region, the Udmurts, represented slightly more than 50% of the total inhabitants, while the rest was made up by Russians and other national minorities. Udmurts were mostly peasants and concentrated in the countryside, whereas city-dwellers and factory workers were mostly Russians. Due to these and other circumstances, collectivization in Udmurtia was carried out in a very specific way. The campaign began here in 1928, one year before than in the rest of the Union, and had possibly the highest pace in the country, with 76% of collectivized farms by 1933. The years 1928–1931 were the highest point of the campaign, when the most opposition and the most violence took place.
The local Party Committee put before itself the special task to carry out a revolutionary collectivization campaign in the Udmurt countryside, which should have been a definitive solution to its “national” backwardness and to all its problems, from illiteracy to trachoma, from syphilis to the strip system (that is, each family worked on small “strips” of land far from each other). The Party Committee failed to exert much support from the peasant Udmurt masses, which stayed at best inert to collectivization propaganda, or opposed it openly. However, the back of the Udmurt peasantry was finally broken, and Udmurtia was totally collectivized by the end of the 1930s.
This article is a microanalysis of Soviet Holocaust retribution in four cases studies, with focus on Lithuania. It was difficult to disentangle crimes against Jews and crimes against Soviet power in cases involving high-ranking nationalists. Soviet authorities had a strong motivation to condemn nationalist leaders and to justify their execution or deportation to the Gulag, but were not as strongly invested in the outcome of the trials involving ordinary people. Punishing collaborators in Nazi crimes consistently remained an aim in and of itself (but was not to be pursued at the expense of other state campaigns). The authorities and locals pursued justice for murdered Jews while simultaneously utilizing the Jewish wartime fate in the pursuit of broader political aims during postwar Sovietization. In the broader postwar Soviet prosecution of treason and collaboration, authorities and defendants navigated competing understandings of personal participation (lichnoe uchastie) in atrocities and the (ir)redeemability of defendants.
understanding where we are and where we are going. For the fields of Soviethistory and post-Soviet studies, the expression is meaningful in both literal and metaphorical senses. In recent years, the number of publications devoted to the history of the Russian North has been growing steadily, although not as
by Jerzy Kosiński (1933–1991). In both cases commentaries that supplement the main texts offer insights into Soviethistory, on the one hand into the revolutionary culture of the 1920s, and on the other hand into the political thaw of the 1950s. 10
Time Window I : The Bagpipe Player or
Boris Kolonitskii continues his studies of the cult of Alexander Kerensky in 1917 and the larger issues of the vocabulary used to describe leaders and the nature of cults and their relationship to authoritarianism in Russian and Soviet history. He reviews the linguistic fields surrounding such revolutionary figures as Miliukov, Rodzianko, Chernov, Plekhanov and Lenin and shows how politicians may become hostages of their own rhetoric. Hero image terminology can sanctify the leader. But even negative publicity or criticism can lead to the strengthening of the cult image. The construction of cults is subject to reversals and shifting creativity. Cults have pre- histories and are vital to our understanding of 20th century politics.
resources, mobilized innumerous cultural tropes, and was connected to many different strands in both Soviethistory and the history of science and technology writ large. But to his credit, Gerovitch has done an exemplary job in locating his research on the Soviet space program within the larger concerns of
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2017), 434 pp., $29.95 (hb), isbn 9780674972001.
This masterfully written book describes one breakthrough year in Soviethistory: 1956. The author’s choice is well justified, because that year indeed accumulated some of the very central events and
Soviethistory, Tolchev called for a more guarded application of the concept.
Both letters appeared in a paperback booklet assembled by the Letter Department ( podotdel pisem ) of the Communist Party’s Central Committee for Politburo use only. 3 Letter department workers assembled the collection in