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Introduction 1 Voter turnout, an important determinant of electoral statistics, remains a poorly examined subject in Russia. Although many scholars have considered electoral behavior, political science lacks a comprehensive approach to those factors, including institutional, socio

In: Russian Politics

large shares in those heavily populated urban municipalities. Moreover, their electoral behavior largely resembles that of the Bosniak majority. 12 By contrast, communities living in compact pockets within the territories dominated by the other ethnic groups show distinct electoral behaviors. Bosniaks

In: Southeastern Europe
Author: Stanislav Shkel

aimed at certain ethnic groups. This helped the heads to successfully obtain the support of the titular ethnic groups and to easily manipulate their electoral behavior. 4 If these explanations are true to fact, it can be supposed that the political machines in the ethnic republics should

In: Russian Politics

elections which are variously held in combination with federal ones and independently, every year and in considerable numbers. This presents an opportunity to study electoral behaviour of two fundamentally different types: combined elections a priori lead to a similarity of results, but without necessarily

In: Russian Politics
Author: Buldakov

whole, it can be said that I. S. Kuchanov has presented a very thorough and profes- sional analysis of the electoral behavior of post-communist Russia’s provincial voters. What was predominant in their attitudes – the specifi c local tendencies or the all-Russian regularities? Most apparently, the former

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

papers are divided into three sections: "De- mocratization of Political Culture: Historical Foundations and the Search for a New identity," "The New Publicity and the Role of te Intelligentsia," and "Civic Movements, Electoral Behavior, and the New Party System." The most interesting work is to be found

In: Canadian-American Slavic Studies

the differences in voting behavior in large, medium-sized and small cities and rural areas. Tdevertheless, the data to hand confirm that electoral behavior on these levels has changed little since the 1991 presidential election. In 1991, in the large cities (those with 100,000 persons), Boris Yel

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

(1996): 464-85; Rudolf L. Tökés, "Political Transition and Social Transfor- mation in Hungary," Afers Internacionals, nos 34-35 (1996): 79-101; and András Kov?cs, "Did the Losers Really Win? An Analysis of Electoral Behavior in Hungary in 1994," Social Re- search, 63, no. 2 (1996): 511-30. : 18. James G

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

less powerful a predictor (Yeltsin lost a percentage of the vote for every 5 percent more rural an oblast ). The rural-urban divide in Russian electoral behavior is real, but weakening over time. 14. Yurii Aidinov, "The Red Belt: Myth or Reality," Russian Social Science Review, 38, no. 4 (1997

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

are discussed, further investigation regarding their effect on voters’ electoral behavior is needed. Relevant data have been collected mainly from the Hellenic Statistic Statistical Authority ( elstat ) and Eurostat. 3 The Historical Background: he as a Politicised Issue in the National Agenda

In: Southeastern Europe