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such, whilst the formal 2018 presidential election campaign was fought between eight candidates, the real electoral battle that Putin faced was essentially with the turnout, rather than his opponents. Despite his generally high popularity, Putin’s support base is not monolithic. There are a few regions

In: Russian Politics
Author: Alexey Levinson

The 2018 Russian presidential election was effectively a contest not between Vladimir Putin and the other seven candidates on the ballot paper, but between Putin and the level of election turnout. Anything less than a large majority based on a respectable level of turnout would have undermined Putin’s legitimacy to serve for a further six-year term. In the event, Putin achieved his goal. Through the analysis of public opinion polls conducted by the Levada Center, we examine the background to the election. Putin’s success can be traced, first to long-standing patterns of differential turnout across the regions and, second, administrative initiatives by the election authorities which created a renewed confidence in the integrity of the election process.

In: Russian Politics
Author: Stanislav Shkel

the Russian presidential election of 2018 allow us to answer these questions partially. These findings are especially interesting due to the fact that just before the election, the ethnic factor in the ethnic republics was aggravated by the actualization of the language situation. The purpose of

In: Russian Politics

by weaker demand for political and civic freedoms and the rule of law. But after the presidential elections in March 2018 the signs of erosion of the Crimean consensus became clearly visible. To assess the course of these changes, we used a well proven qualitative technique combining sociological

In: Russian Politics

’s 2018 Presidential Election Support  333 Derek Hutcheson and Ian McAllister How Russian Electoral Legislation has Changed  359 Arkadii E. Lyubarev The Institutional Impact on Voter Turnout: The Case of Russia and its Regions (2011–2016)  372 Rostislav

In: Russian Politics

with the Kremlin’s autocratic man- agement of elections and administration of the law to suit its own purposes. Th ey conclude that the government now (2005) has become accepted as a lesser evil, even though people disagree about Kremlin legitimacy and policies, and forecast that the presidential

In: Canadian-American Slavic Studies
Author: Buldakov

.e. the ability to success- fully “approach” the federal authorities with relevant requests” (p. 216). Th erefore it is not by chance that in the fi rst presidential election ever held in the Russian Federation, B. N. Yeltsin received only 37.8% of votes in Pskov oblast against the national average of 57

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

, the possibility of paying a deposit (instead of signatures of voters) introduced for some elections. In 2002, this opportunity was extended to all elections except the presidential elections. Since 2004, candidates and lists nominated by the parliamentary parties, was released from the signatures of

In: Russian Politics
Author: Mari Aburamoto

upcoming 2011 State Duma and the 2012 Presidential elections. 7 However, it remains unclear how the regime managed to overcome the crisis faced by ur . The regime’s reliance on the onf did not last long and it fell back on ur . It is also unclear how the regime continued to mobilize the electorate

In: Russian Politics

attracts more voters than State Duma elections. Throughout Russia’s modern history, the turnout in presidential elections has always been higher than in the parliamentary elections (see Fig. 1 ). For instance, the difference in the electoral turnout between the presidential and parliamentary elections

In: Russian Politics