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Introduction On 18 March 2018, Vladimir Putin was elected for his fourth term as president of the Russian Federation. Despite the lowest-key election campaign in recent memory, he won an overwhelming victory, with 76.7 percent of the vote, on a turnout of 67.6 percent. Having been the central

In: Russian Politics

Introduction 1 Voter turnout, an important determinant of electoral statistics, remains a poorly examined subject in Russia. Although many scholars have considered electoral behavior, political science lacks a comprehensive approach to those factors, including institutional, socio

In: Russian Politics
Author: Alexey Levinson

The 2018 Russian presidential election was effectively a contest not between Vladimir Putin and the other seven candidates on the ballot paper, but between Putin and the level of election turnout. Anything less than a large majority based on a respectable level of turnout would have undermined Putin’s legitimacy to serve for a further six-year term. In the event, Putin achieved his goal. Through the analysis of public opinion polls conducted by the Levada Center, we examine the background to the election. Putin’s success can be traced, first to long-standing patterns of differential turnout across the regions and, second, administrative initiatives by the election authorities which created a renewed confidence in the integrity of the election process.

In: Russian Politics
Author: Alexander Kynev

higher turnout in the regional periphery forming part of the district can combine with a lower turnout in the city, leading to distortion of representation. It also increases the logistical costs for election campaigns in such districts, and makes it vastly more difficult for elected deputies to work

In: Russian Politics

Abstract

In January 2020, Russian President Putin proposed a number of potentially very significant amendments to the constitution of the Russian Federation. In March 2020, these were formally approved by parliament and signed by the president. In a nationwide vote held on 25 June – 1 July, just under 78 percent of those who voted did so in favour of the amendments, 21 percent voted against, while turnout was just under 68 percent. The amendments, which entered into force on 4 July, strengthened the powers of the Russian president, increased the powers of the center over regional and local governments, and reduced the independence of the courts. They asserted that the Russian constitution should take precedence over decisions reached by international institutions. Not least, they opened the possibility for Putin to remain in office following the expiry of his current presidential term in 2024. To be more precise, they enabled Putin to avoid becoming a lame duck and to keep the elite in suspense over what he would eventually decide to do in 2024. They also provided him with security should he decide to leave office.

Open Access
In: Russian Politics

: Technocratic Traps of Russia’s Policy Reforms  282 Vladimir Gel’man Volume 3, No. 3 Articles How the West Lost Russia: Explaining the Conservative Turn in Russian Foreign Policy  305 Nicolai N. Petro Putin versus the Turnout? Mapping the Kremlin

In: Russian Politics

levers of influence sufficient to shape the will of the vot- ers and, of special note, the actions of the electoral commissions. This conclusion is supported by the following arguments. In the majority of regions with a declining temperature, the turnout of voters at the 1993 ref- erendum significantly

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

post-communist democracy as early as around the turn of the century, and rising levels of dissatisfaction around the EU’s Eastern Enlargement wave of 2004–2007; they also revealed serious lack of political participation, particularly felt in low voter turnout in parliamentary elections ( Fuchs and

In: Southeastern Europe
Author: Atsushi Ogushi

to gain the relative majority of votes in most electoral districts, which led to a predominant majority in the Duma. Second, the low turnout (47.82 per cent based on my calculation of the TsIK figures) contributed to its victory. In addition to the people’s indifference to political parties, and

In: Russian Politics

elections: profiles of politicians, fan pages of political parties, and “Facebook causes” on political topics. Refraining from inferring a direct correspondence between the high voter turnout and the high mobilization of the electorate on Facebook, Aleksandrova observes that the most popular political cause

In: Southeastern Europe